Trump administration asks justices to block reinstatement of FTC commissioner
<p>Updated on Sept. 4 at 9:44 p.m. The federal government on Thursday asked the Supreme Court to temporarily pause a ruling by a federal appeals court that requires the Trump […]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/09/trump-administration-asks-justices-to-block-temporary-reinstatement-of-ftc-commissioner/">Trump administration asks justices to block reinstatement of FTC commissioner</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com">SCOTUSblog</a>.</p>
The federal government on Thursday asked the Supreme Court to temporarily pause a ruling by a federal appeals court that requires the Trump administration to reinstate a commissioner on the Federal Trade Commission whom President Donald Trump fired this spring. In a 30-page filing, U.S. Solicitor General D. John Sauer wrote that the case is “indistinguishable” from previous disputes in which the court blocked similar efforts to force reinstatement of senior officials.
Sauer also asked the court to treat his filing as a petition for review without waiting for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit to rule on the government’s appeal – a maneuver known as “cert before judgment.”
Although the case comes to the court on its emergency docket, it sets up yet another test of the president’s ability to fire the heads of independent multi-member agencies, as well as the weight that the Supreme Court’s earlier rulings on its emergency docket should carry going forward.
The Federal Trade Commission describes its mission as “protecting the public from deceptive or unfair business practices and from unfair methods of competition through law enforcement, advocacy, research, and education.” It has five commissioners, who are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate; no more than three of the commissioners may come from any one political party. The president can only remove a commissioner from office “for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.”
In March, Trump fired Rebecca Slaughter, a Democratic appointee to the FTC. Trump told Slaughter that allowing her to remain on the commission would be “inconsistent with [the] administration’s priorities.”
Slaughter went to federal court in Washington, D.C., to challenge the legality of her removal. U.S. District Judge Loren AliKhan ordered the Trump administration to reinstate Slaughter. (Alvaro Bedoya, another Democratic appointee who was fired at the same time as Slaughter and joined her lawsuit, ultimately resigned from the commission, citing financial reasons.)
The Trump administration went to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, asking that court to put AliKhan’s ruling on hold while it appealed. By a vote of 2-1, the court of appeals declined to do so.
In an unsigned opinion, Judges Patricia Millett and Nina Pillard explained that the Trump administration had no chance of prevailing on appeal, a key point in deciding whether to grant temporary relief. The Supreme Court’s 1935 decision in Humphrey’s Executor v. United States, in which the justices “upheld the constitutionality of the Federal Trade Commission Act’s for-cause removal protection for Federal Trade Commissioners,” applies fully here, they reasoned.
The majority acknowledged that, in other proceedings on the emergency docket, the Supreme Court had allowed the president to remove members of the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission without good cause. But those cases, the majority said, “do not permit this court to do the Supreme Court’s job of reconsidering” the decision in Humphrey’s Executor – particularly when this dispute involves the same agency as in Humphrey’s Executor and therefore (unlike the earlier proceedings) would not require “an extension of Humphrey’s Executor to a new context.”
In a dissenting opinion, Judge Neomi Rao indicated that she would have granted the government’s request to put AliKhan’s order on hold. In Rao’s view, the earlier proceedings on the emergency docket were “virtually identical” to Slaughter’s case. And even if Slaughter’s removal did violate federal law, she continued, AliKhan went too far in ordering the Trump administration to reinstate Slaughter, because such a command (among other things) “interferes with the President’s exclusive powers.”
In his Thursday filing, Sauer contended that the majority “applied an overly expansive reading of Humphrey’s Executor” that the court has since “repudiated.” Since Humphrey’s Executor was handed down, the FTC “has amassed considerable executive power” and become more like the agencies at the center of the previous emergency docket decisions than the FTC of 1935, according to Sauer. “This Court concluded that the government was likely to succeed on the merits in challenging reinstatement of NLRB, MSPB, and CPSC heads,” he wrote. “The government is at least as likely to succeed as to the FTC here.”
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<img src="https://api.follow.it/track-rss-story-loaded/v1/YmTBMcONk9zZSdhpVPI8M3n9ye8UNv30" border=0 width="1" height="1" alt="Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood" title="Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood"> <img width="150" height="150" src="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/SCPlannedParenthood-150x150.jpg" class="attachment-thumbnail size-thumbnail wp-post-image" alt="Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood" title="Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood" style="float:right;" decoding="async" srcset="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/SCPlannedParenthood-150x150.jpg 150w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/SCPlannedParenthood-570x570.jpg 570w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/SCPlannedParenthood-500x500.jpg 500w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/SCPlannedParenthood-1000x1000.jpg 1000w" sizes="(max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px" /><p><a class="a2a_button_facebook" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/facebook?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&linkname=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" title="Facebook" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_linkedin" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/linkedin?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&linkname=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" title="LinkedIn" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_twitter" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/twitter?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&linkname=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" title="Twitter" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_email" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/email?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&linkname=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" title="Email" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_printfriendly" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/printfriendly?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&linkname=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" title="PrintFriendly" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_dd addtoany_no_icon addtoany_share_save addtoany_share" href="https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F04%2Fsupreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood%2F&title=Supreme%20Court%20hears%20dispute%20over%20South%20Carolina%E2%80%99s%20bid%20to%20defund%20Planned%20Parenthood" data-a2a-url="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/04/supreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood/" data-a2a-title="Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood">Share</a></p><p>The Supreme Court on Wednesday was divided over whether Planned Parenthood has a legal right under federal civil rights laws to challenge the order by South Carolina’s governor barring abortion clinics, including Planned Parenthood, from participating in Medicaid.</p>
<p>During more than 90 minutes of oral arguments, the justices struggled to determine whether the Medicaid law on which Planned Parenthood relies must use specific words to signal that Congress intended to create a private right to enforce it – and, if so, what those words might be.</p>
<p>For 60 years, the Medicaid program has provided medical care to more than 72 million Americans of limited financial means. Congress enacted the law pursuant to its power under the Constitution’s spending clause, which allows it to attach conditions to the federal funds that it gives to states.<span id="more-319446"></span></p>
<p>In 2018, South Carolina Governor Henry McMaster ordered the state’s Department of Health and Human Services to prohibit abortion clinics from participating in the Medicaid program. Federal law generally bars the use of Medicaid funds for abortions. Planned Parenthood provides other medical services, such as gynecological and reproductive care but also screenings for cancer, high blood pressure, and high cholesterol. But because money is fungible, McMaster reasoned, any Medicaid funds that go to clinics where abortion is provided would effectively subsidize “abortion and the denial of the right to life.”</p>
<p>Julie Edwards, a Medicaid patient in South Carolina who suffers from diabetes and has used Planned Parenthood for birth control, went to federal court in South Carolina along with Planned Parenthood. They contended that McMaster’s order violated a provision of the Medicaid Act that allows any patient who is eligible for Medicaid to seek health care from any “qualified” provider.</p>
<p>The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit agreed with Planned Parenthood and Edwards that the Medicaid Act creates individual rights that can be enforced under federal civil rights laws, and it barred the state from excluding Planned Parenthood from its Medicaid program.</p>
<p>John Bursch, a lawyer for the conservative advocacy group Alliance Defending Freedom, represented the state. He told the justices that for laws enacted pursuant to Congress’s spending clause power, “clear rights-creating language is critical to creating private rights. Congress did not use” such language in the “any qualified provider” provision, he stressed. Indeed, he noted, Congress “knows how to clearly confer a private right to choose a provider” when it wants to do so, as it did in the Federal Nursing Home Reform Act.</p>
<p>Justice Clarence Thomas asked Bursch whether the word “right” is “absolutely necessary in order to determine whether or not a right has been created” under the “any qualified provider” provision.</p>
<p>Bursch answered that “if Congress wants to be clear, ‘right’ is the best word, but we would take its functional equivalent” – for example, “entitlement” or “privilege.”</p>
<p>Thomas’s question kicked off a debate that continued on and off throughout the morning’s argument: Does a federal law only create a privately enforceable right if it uses specific – or as some justices put it, “magic” – words?</p>
<p>Justice Sonia Sotomayor told Bursch, “You’re not quite calling it a magic word, but you’re coming very close.”</p>
<p>Bursch countered that what states need is a “clear statement” about their obligations under the Medicaid Act.</p>
<p>But Sotomayor was unconvinced. “It seems a little bit odd,” she suggested, “to think that a problem that motivated Congress to pass this provision was that states were limiting the choices people had.” In light of that history, she posited, it “seems hard to understand that states didn’t understand that they had to give individuals the right to choose a provider.”</p>
<p>Justice Amy Coney Barrett echoed Sotomayor’s concern about the purpose of the “any qualified provider” provision. If I want to go see the provider of my choice, she said, but the state has disqualified him from participating in Medicaid, “You’re depriving me of my ability … to see the provider of my choice. And nobody’s disputing that” the physician “can provide the services in a competent way that I want to have.”</p>
<p>Justice Brett Kavanaugh was more supportive of the idea that laws should have to use specific words to create privately enforceable rights. The Supreme Court, he observed, “has failed to give guidance … that lower courts can follow, that states, providers, and beneficiaries can follow.” What words, he asked Bursch, would create such rights, “rather than having something like ‘or its functional equivalent,’ would could” lead to “another decade of litigation”?</p>
<p>Bursch suggested that the words “rights,” “entitlement,” “privileges,” and “immunities” would fit the bill. “If you don’t limit it to those few words,” he told the justices, “then all of a sudden, the floodgates are open.”</p>
<p>Representing the federal government, Kyle Hawkins told the justices that their cases “emphasized that rights-creating statutes are atypical. But” the “any qualified provider” provision, he stressed, “is a run-of-the-mill spending clause statute, and holding otherwise would invite line-drawing problems.”</p>
<p>Sotomayor pressed Hawkins, observing that the federal government for two decades had contended that the “any qualified provider” provision could be privately enforced through federal civil rights laws. Although the government now contends that it had changed its position after the court’s decision in <em><a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/health-and-hospital-corporation-of-marion-county-indiana-v-talevski/">Health and Hospital Corporation of Marion County, Ind. v. Talevski</a></em>, holding that nursing-home residents could use federal civil rights laws to enforce two provisions of the Federal Nursing Home Reform Act, Sotomayor suggested that in <em>Talevski</em> the court had simply “reiterated” its analysis in an earlier decision. “Did you need a hit over the head,” she asked, “meaning did you need for us to say it a second time before you understood it?”</p>
<p>Kagan contended that imposing a “magic words” requirement would be “kind of changing the rules midstream.” Congress, she emphasized, enacted the Medicaid Act a long time ago. “And if we come in now and say you have to use one of these three words,” she noted, it might be useful for future laws, “but it’s not a fair way to interpret statutes that Congress passed many years ago.”</p>
<p>Unlike Bursch, Hawkins declined to suggest specific words that would create a privately enforceable right. He agreed that words like “right,” “entitlement,” “privilege,” and “immunity” “would count,” but he suggested that “a helpful way to think about it” is that “we’re looking for words that have a real rights-creating pedigree in our nation’s history and legal traditions.”</p>
<p>But that answer did not necessarily please Kavanaugh, who told him that Kagan had “raised good points about how, once you open it up like that, there are going to be line-drawing problems. You’re not going to solve the issue that you came here to solve.”</p>
<p>Nicole Saharsky, who represented Planned Parenthood, told the justices that there is no dispute that South Carolina violated the Medicaid Act when it denied Julie Edwards “her choice of a qualified and willing provider.” “The only question,” she said, “is whether she can do something about it, to sue under” federal civil rights laws.</p>
<p>The “any qualified provider” provision, Saharsky maintained, “uses mandatory, individual-centric, rights-creating language. The only thing it doesn’t do,” she said, “is use the word ‘right.’ And this Court has repeatedly said that magic words aren’t required.”</p>
<p>The justices raised other concerns as well. Barrett questioned whether allowing the 4th Circuit’s ruling to stand would “open the floodgates of people bringing” similar suits, “or is this kind of a pretty unusual circumstance?”</p>
<p>Hawkins answers that it was “hard to say it’s unusual,” adding that the “any qualified provider” provision was “the most litigated provision” in the statute.</p>
<p>Saharsky pushed back against any idea that a ruling in her clients’ favor would lead to more lawsuits, noting that the 6th Circuit had issued a decision similar to the 4th Circuit’s “more than 20 years ago. If the flood of lawsuits was supposed to happen, we would expect to see it.”</p>
<p>Moreover, she added, there is no real benefit to Medicaid patients from bringing lawsuits to challenge the denial of their provider of choice. Money damages are not available, she noted. “These aren’t people getting rich,” she said. “They’re just trying to get healthcare here.”</p>
<p>Kavanaugh voiced what he characterized as a “broader separation-of-powers concern” – the idea that “Congress creates rights of action and remedies, not the Court.” For more than two decades, Kavanaugh told Saharsky, the Supreme Court had “really tightened up” on creating causes of action, “and said essentially that far and no further.”</p>
<p>Saharsky countered that this dispute involves “an express cause of action” under the federal civil rights laws, so there is no need for the court to create one. And she conceded that there “is a high bar to find that Congress put in place an individually-enforceable right. What we’re saying is that this provision meets the bar.”</p>
<p>Justice Samuel Alito was similarly skeptical, describing it as “quite extraordinary” for the court to find that a law enacted pursuant to Congress’s spending clause power creates a privately enforceable right of action. And if a federal civil rights lawsuit can follow “whenever Congress uses the word ‘individual,’” he told Saharsky, “then all sorts of provisions could give rise to” liability. “Congress,” he said a few minutes later, “may well have had in mind” that the state needs to provide Medicaid beneficiaries with the ability to choose their own qualified health-care providers, “but not that this is something that allows an individual to sue in court.”</p>
<p>In his rebuttal, Bursch argued that “the fact that the 12 of us can have such a robust conversation about whether this statute is mandatory or not, whether it’s rights-creating or not, demonstrates that the rights-creating language is ambiguous, not clear and explicit. And if there is any ambiguity in this context,” he concluded, “the state has to win because it’s not being put on notice of when it might be sued.”</p>
<p>A decision is expected by summer.</p>
<p><em>This article was <a href="https://amylhowe.com/2025/04/02/supreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood/">originally published at Howe on the Court</a>. </em></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/04/supreme-court-hears-dispute-over-south-carolinas-bid-to-defund-planned-parenthood/">Supreme Court hears dispute over South Carolina’s bid to defund Planned Parenthood</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com">SCOTUSblog</a>.</p>