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When you think of Colombia, what images come to mind? For some, it may be coffee or perhaps the country’s diverse landscapes and cultures. For many others, it will be cartels, crime and cocaine.
Colombia’s history as a drug trafficking hub plays a major role in attracting visitors to the country – a form of travel known as “dark tourism”. But the Colombian government and much of the population are desperate to shake off this sordid association.
A new bill going through Colombia’s congress is proposing to ban the sale of souvenirs that depict notorious drug lord Pablo Escobar and other convicted criminals. The proposed law would mean fines for those who violate the rules, and a temporary suspension of businesses.
Colombia became a major producer of cocaine in the 1970s, fuelled by demand in North America. Led by Escobar, the Medellín cartel dominated this trade, controlling roughly 80% of the cocaine supply to the US.
In 1988, Time magazine famously dubbed Medellín the “most dangerous city” in the world. Car bombings, assassinations, kidnap and torture became part of everyday life. In a failed attempt to assassinate presidential hopeful César Gaviria in 1989, Escobar was even behind the bombing of a commercial flight that killed all 107 passengers and crew onboard.
By 1991, the homicide rate in Medellín was a shocking 381 for every 100,000 inhabitants, with 7,500 people murdered in the city that year alone. In comparison, there were a total of 107 homicides in London in 2024.
Nowadays, Medellín is much more peaceful. Since Escobar’s death in 1993, its homicide rate has dropped by 97% due to increased security crackdowns and peace deals between the narco gangs.
Colombia now has a booming tourism industry, breaking records for its highest number of visitors in 2024. Medellín has even become a trendy location for digital nomads due to its exciting nightlife, stunning landscape and excellent weather.
Yet, when I visited Colombia in 2024, it was hard not to become infatuated by Escobar. His face is everywhere: on key rings, magnets, mugs and t-shirts, while you often see lookalikes posing for photographs. Even airports – the last place I would expect to be associated with drugs – stock Escobar souvenirs.
A quick look on TripAdvisor’s “best things to do in Medellín” shows Museum Pablo Escobar at number one. Almost every tour in the city is related to the notorious cartel leader, including visits to the neighbourhoods he controlled (and often terrorised), his hideout spots, and the location of his final shootout with the police.
Narco tourism’s boom can be largely attributed to the huge popularity of Narcos, a critically acclaimed series on Netflix that dramatised the life of Escobar. But shows such as Narcos have been criticised by some experts for glorifying the cartel lifestyle – focusing on money, glamour and sex rather than the harsh realities of life within Colombia’s drug trade.
According to dark tourism researcher Diego Felipe Caicedo, popular media related to narco culture often portrays cartel members as heroes managing to defeat the class structure established by the elite capitalist system.
This has resulted in a dissonant heritage of people like Escobar. To some, he is a Robin Hood-type figure who built houses and gave to the poor. To others, he is an evil figure and vicious murderer. And while Escobar did use some of his fortune to improve deprived neighbourhoods, many saw this as a tactic to buy loyalty and mask his criminal activity.
The romanticism of Escobar angers many in Colombia who hate the idea of a murderous drug tycoon being the most recognised image of the country. In a city where almost every family knows of someone affected by the violent consequences of the drug trade, victims in Medellín now live with reminders plastered across storefronts, vendor stalls and tourist’s t-shirts.
Yet those who rely on this souvenir trade are furious at the possibility of restrictions. In many developing tourist destinations, selling souvenirs is an accessible way of benefiting from tourism and can act as a gateway out of poverty.
The souvenir trade is one of supply and demand – vendors are only selling Escobar souvenirs because they are the most popular. So, perhaps the focus should be on changing the attitudes and interests of tourists, rather than penalising the vendors.
Controlling the narrative
Camille Beauvais, a researcher of Colombian history, suggests it is up to local authorities to take control of the narrative through commemoration and education. This could follow the example of the anti-mafia museum in Palermo, Italy, which is designed to recognise the courage of the city and its people in standing up to criminal activity.
Attempts like this could steer tourists away from sensationalist tours to a more nuanced and historically accurate representation of this turbulent time. But the Colombian authorities have, up to now, tried to ignore this important period in the country’s history.
It was only in 2022 that the Colombia Truth Commission released an official report on the root causes of violence in Colombia, including governmental and international failures in tackling narcotraffickers.
However, some groups in Colombia have already tried to develop an alternate narrative. In 2019, the NGO Colombia ConMemoria (Colombia Remembers) created an online “Narcostore”, a fake souvenir website full of Escobar-themed products.
When visitors clicked to purchase the item, they were redirected to video testimonies of those affected by the drugs trade, many of whom had lost friends or relatives to Escobar’s terror. The site reached 180 million visitors worldwide.
Narco tourism does not seem to be disappearing. Fascination with true crime, drugs and cartels is as popular as ever. But perhaps these tourists should take a moment to consider how they might feel, if someone who had murdered their loved ones became a souvenir fridge magnet for people to remember their country by.
Ross Bennett-Cook does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
