Justices pause order to reinstate fired federal employees

Justices pause order to reinstate fired federal employees Justices pause order to reinstate fired federal employees

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The Supreme Court on Tuesday paused an order by a judge in San Francisco that would require the federal government to reinstate more than 16,000 workers who were fired by six agencies earlier this year. A group of nonprofits challenging the layoffs argued that the terminations by the Office of Personnel Management violated several different parts of the federal law governing administrative agencies. But by an apparent vote of 7-2, the justices nonetheless put the order by Senior U.S. District Judge William Alsup on hold while the challenge to the firings continues, explaining that the nonprofits do not have a legal right, known as standing, to challenge the terminations.

In a brief unsigned order, the court explained that it was not weighing in on the claims by other plaintiffs in the lawsuit – specifically, unions representing government employees, whose claims Alsup did not address because he concluded that he likely did not have the power to hear them. The court also did not weigh in on the propriety of the firings more generally.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor indicated that she would have denied the Trump administration’s request to pause Alsup’s order.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson also would have turned down the Trump administration’s plea, because she would not have reached the question of the nonprofits’ standing to sue at this stage of the case.

The layoffs of tens of thousands of probationary employees – that is, employees who have been newly hired for a position, usually within the past year – in February came as part of a broader effort by the Trump administration to reduce the size of the federal workforce.

A group of nonprofits, arguing that layoffs could lead to fewer government services, which could in turn harm their members, went to federal court in San Francisco, seeking to have the probationary employees returned to their jobs.

Alsup concluded that although federal agencies can fire their own employees, the “Office of Personnel Management has no authority to hire and fire employees in another agency.” On March 13, he issued a preliminary injunction that directed OPM and six federal agencies – the Departments of Veterans Affairs, Agriculture, Defense, Energy, Interior, and the Treasury – to immediately bring back the probationary employees who had been fired.

A federal appeals court rejected the government’s request to put Alsup’s order on hold while its appeal – which the court agreed to fast-track – moved forward.

The Trump administration came to the Supreme Court on March 25, asking the justices to temporarily pause Alsup’s order. Sarah Harris, then the acting U.S. solicitor general, contended (among other things) that the nonprofits do not have a legal right to sue, known as standing, to challenge the layoffs. Alsup’s ruling, she argued, also lets “third parties hijack the employment relationship between the federal government and its workforce.”

The nonprofits countered that they have standing to sue because the layoffs will affect their members – for example, the firings of workers at the Department of Veterans Affairs “has already had and will imminently continue to have serious negative consequences” for the members of a veterans’ nonprofit who rely on federal services. And Alsup’s order, they wrote, simply “restored the status quo that existed prior to OPM’s illegal conduct.”

The two-paragraph order on Tuesday explained that Alsup’s order “was based solely on the allegations of the nine” nonprofits challenging the layoffs. But those allegations, the majority continued, “are presently insufficient” to give the nonprofits a legal right to sue. “This order does not address the claims of the other plaintiffs,” the majority noted, “which did not form the basis of” Alsup’s order.

Sotomayor noted only that she would have denied the Trump administration’s request, without explanation.

Jackson explained that, in an emergency appeal like this one, “where the issue is pending in the lower courts and the applicants have not demonstrated urgency in the form of interim irreparable harm,” she would not have ruled on the standing question at all.

Although the court put Alsup’s order on hold, a different federal judge in Maryland also has issued an order, which remains in effect for now, that requires the reinstatement of probationary employees at 20 federal agencies who live and work in the 19 states (along with the District of Columbia) that brought the case.

Tuesday’s order was the second in less than 24 hours putting a federal district judge’s order on hold and allowing – at least for now – the Trump administration to move forward with implementing its policies. On Monday evening, a closely divided court lifted a pair of orders by U.S. District Judge James Boasberg that had prohibited the government from removing noncitizens designated as members of a Venezuelan gang under a March 15 executive order issued by President Donald Trump. The majority in that case agreed with their dissenting colleagues – Sotomayor and Jackson, along with Justices Elena Kagan and Amy Coney Barrett – that noncitizens are entitled to notice and an opportunity to challenge their removal.

This article was originally published at Howe on the Court.

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The morning read for Tuesday, April 8

The morning read for Tuesday, April 8 The morning read for Tuesday, April 8

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Each weekday, we select a short list of news articles and commentary related to the Supreme Court. Here’s the Tuesday morning read:

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Supreme Court requires noncitizens to challenge detention and removal in Texas

Supreme Court requires noncitizens to challenge detention and removal in Texas Supreme Court requires noncitizens to challenge detention and removal in Texas

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The Supreme Court on Monday lifted a pair of orders by a federal judge in Washington, D.C., that had barred the government from removing noncitizens who are designated as members of a Venezuelan gang under a March 15 executive order issued by President Donald Trump.

By a vote of 5-4, the justices declined to address the challengers’ contention that they are not covered by the 18th-century law on which Trump relied in issuing the order. Instead, the challengers’ lawsuit must be brought in Texas, where they are being held, rather than in Washington, D.C., the court explained.

The unsigned four-page opinion emphasized that although courts have a limited role in reviewing claims under that law, the plaintiffs and others detained under the law are entitled to “notice and an opportunity to challenge their removal.”

Justice Sonia Sotomayor penned a 17-page dissent joined in full by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson and in part by Justice Amy Coney Barrett. She contended that her colleagues’ “decision to intervene in this litigation is as inexplicable as it is dangerous.”

Jackson wrote her own two-page dissent in which she lamented that the majority’s “fly-by-night approach to the work of the Supreme Court is not only misguided. It is also dangerous.”

The 1798 law at the center of the case is the Alien Enemies Act, which allows the president to detain or deport citizens of an enemy nation without a hearing or any other review by a court if either of two things occurs: Congress declares war, or there is an “invasion” or “predatory incursion.” The law has been invoked only three times – during the War of 1812, World War I, and World War II.

Trump’s executive order focuses on a large Venezuelan gang named Tren de Aragua, which began in Venezuela’s prisons and then spread into other parts of Latin America and, eventually, the United States. In February, Secretary of State Marco Rubio designated it as a “foreign terrorist organization.”

Trump found in his order that TdA “is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States.” Therefore, he concluded, “all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA are liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as Alien Enemies.”

Even before Trump issued the order, a group of Venezuelan nationals in immigration custody went to federal court in Washington. They said that they feared that they would be removed, and they challenged Trump’s attempt to rely on the Alien Enemies Act.

U.S. District Judge James Boasberg quickly prohibited the federal government from removing any of the individual plaintiffs for 14 days. In a separate order issued later that day, Boasberg barred the government from removing anyone else under the Alien Enemies Act. During a hearing, Boasberg also ordered any flights to remove noncitizens that had already taken off to return to the United States.

The five individual plaintiffs named in the complaint are still in immigration detention in the United States. However, news reports indicated that more than 200 other noncitizens were taken from the United States on March 15, with their planes landing in El Salvador after Boasberg issued his written order.

The migrants were taken in shackles to a maximum-security “mega” prison in El Salvador, where their heads were shaved. The country’s president, Nayib Bukele, posted a video of the prisoners on social media that Rubio later reposted. The caption of the video read “Ooopsie … too late.”

The Trump administration asked the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit to pause Boasberg’s order. The D.C. Circuit fast-tracked the government’s appeal, but on March 26 it rejected that request by a vote of 2-1.

Sarah Harris, then the acting U.S. solicitor general, came to the Supreme Court on March 28, asking the justices to allow the Trump administration to enforce the March 15 order. The dispute, she contended, “presents fundamental questions about who decides how to conduct sensitive national-security operations in this country – the President … or the Judiciary.” Harris told the justices that the “Constitution supplies a clear answer: the President.”

Lawyers for the Venezuelan nationals urged the court to leave Boasberg’s order in place. They noted that “many (perhaps most) of the men” sent to the El Salvadoran prison in March “were not actually members of” TdA. Boasberg’s order, they told the justices, is therefore “essential to ensure that more individuals who have no affiliation with the gang will not be sent to a notorious foreign prison.”

In an unsigned opinion on Monday evening, five of the court’s conservative justices – Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, and Brett Kavanaugh – indicated that they would “not reach” the plaintiffs’ arguments regarding the application of the AEA to them. Instead, the majority explained, because the relief that they are seeking “necessarily” suggests that their confinement in immigration custody and removal under the AEA is invalid, they must bring their claims as habeas corpus claims – that is, a challenge to the legality of their detention.

The only place that such claims can be brought, the majority continued, is the judicial district where a prisoner is being detained. Because the plaintiffs in this case are now in Texas, rather than in Washington, D.C., the majority concluded, their case cannot be brought in Washington.

The court made clear that – as the government agrees – the plaintiffs, as well as others who may be detained or removed under the AEA, are entitled to be notified “that they are subject to removal under the Act.” Moreover, the court added, addressing an argument made by lawyers for the plaintiffs during oral arguments in the lower courts, the government must provide that notice “within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before such removal occurs.”

Kavanaugh wrote a brief concurring opinion in which he emphasized that “the Court’s disagreement is not over whether the detainees receive judicial review of their transfers—all nine Members of the Court agree that judicial review is available. The only question,” he concluded “is where that judicial review should occur.”

Sotomayor called the court’s conclusions “suspect.” She wrote that the removal of noncitizens to the prison in El Salvador “presented a risk of extraordinary harm to these” plaintiffs. Referring to the case (also pending at the Supreme Court) of a Maryland man whom the government admits was sent to El Salvador as a result of an administrative error, she observed that the government has contended that “even when it makes a mistake, it cannot retrieve individuals from” the prison in El Salvador.

“The implications of the Government’s position,” Sotomayor stressed, “is that not only noncitizens but also United States citizens could be taken off the streets, forced onto planes, and confined to foreign prisons with no opportunity for redress if judicial review is denied unlawfully before removal. History is no stranger to such lawless regimes, but this Nation’s system of laws is designed to prevent, not enable, their rise.”

Sotomayor concluded by calling the majority’s decision on Monday “indefensible.” “We, as a Nation and a court of law, should be better than this,” she wrote.

In her separate dissent, Jackson explained that she agreed with Sotomayor but also wrote a separate dissent in which she questioned the majority’s decision to step into the dispute now, immediately before Boasberg had scheduled a hearing on the plaintiffs’ request for a preliminary injunction.

Jackson criticized the majority for addressing these issues on their emergency docket and reaching a “rushed conclusion.” Normally, she said, when the justices weigh in on “complex and monumental issues,” they give the lower courts an opportunity to “address those matters first.” Then, she continued, the court “receives full briefing, hears oral argument, deliberates internally, and, finally, issues a reasoned opinion.” When the court departs from that normal practice, she said, “the risk of error always substantially increases” and it does so without “a record so posterity [may] see how it went wrong.”

This article was originally published at Howe on the Court.

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Trump asks Supreme Court to block order to return wrongly deported man to U.S.

Trump asks Supreme Court to block order to return wrongly deported man to U.S. Trump asks Supreme Court to block order to return wrongly deported man to U.S.

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The Trump administration came to the Supreme Court on Monday morning, asking the justices to block an order by a federal judge in Maryland that instructed the federal government to return a Maryland man erroneously deported to El Salvador, where he is being held in a maximum-security mega-prison, to the United States by Monday evening.

Shortly after the government came to the Supreme Court, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit denied the Department of Justice’s request to block the order. “The United States Government has no legal authority to snatch a person who is lawfully present in the United States off the street and remove him from the country without due process,” the unanimous 4th Circuit wrote.

John Sauer, who was confirmed as the U.S. solicitor general last week, told the justices that U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis had “ordered unprecedented relief: dictating to the United States that it must not only negotiate with a foreign country to return an enemy alien on foreign soil, but also succeed by 11:59 p.m. tonight.” Sauer also asked the court to grant an administrative stay, which would freeze Xinis’s order long enough to give the justices time to consider his request.

Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia was born in El Salvador and came to this country as an undocumented immigrant. In 2019, an immigration judge granted him withholding of removal, which means that he is protected against being removed to El Salvador because of the likelihood that he would be harmed if returned there. He has never been charged with or convicted of a crime.

On March 12, Abrego Garcia was taken into ICE custody and eventually moved to Texas and, from there, to El Salvador’s notorious Terrorism Confinement Center. The detainees who arrived there from the U.S. were stripped, shackled, and had their heads shaved. No one has heard from Abrego Garcia since he arrived in El Salvador.

Lawyers representing Abrego Garcia went to federal court in Maryland, where Abrego Garcia lived with his wife and three children, seeking his return to the United States. The federal government acknowledged that Abrego Garcia should not have been taken to El Salvador, but it countered that Xinis lacked the power to consider Abrego Garcia’s case because (among other things) he was now in El Salvador and because the U.S government lacks any ability to get him back.

In a brief ruling on Friday, followed by a longer written decision on Sunday, Xinis instructed the federal government to return Abrego Garcia by 11:59 p.m. on Monday. The government, she stressed, “had no legal authority to arrest him, no justification to detain him, and no grounds to send him to El Salvador—let alone deliver him into one of the most dangerous prisons in the Western Hemisphere.”

Xinis declined to put her ruling on hold to give the government time to appeal, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit (in an order that appeared on the docket after the Trump administration submitted its filing to the Supreme Corut) did the same.

In his 25-page filing, Sauer contended that “[e]ven amidst a deluge of unlawful injunctions” – apparently referring to other court orders blocking Trump administration policies – “this order is remarkable” because even Abrego Garcia had not asked the federal courts “to force the United States to persuade El Salvador to release” him “on a judicially mandated clock.” The federal government, Sauer maintained, “cannot guarantee success in sensitive international negotiations in advance, least of all when a court imposes an absurdly compressed, mandatory deadline that vastly complicates the give-and-take of foreign-relations negotiations.”

Sauer also repeated the government’s contention that Abrego Garcia was a member of the international criminal gang Mara Salvatrucha, commonly known as MS-13, which the United States has designated as a terrorist organization. Abrego Garcia disputes this, and in her written order Xinis noted that “the ‘evidence’ against Abrego Garcia consisted of nothing more than his Chicago Bulls hat and hoodie, and a vague, uncorroborated allegation from a confidential informant claiming he belonged to MS-13’s ‘Western’ clique in New York—a place he has never lived.”

Sauer conceded that Abrego Garcia’s “removal to El Salvador was an administrative error.” But that, he continued, does not give district courts the authority to “seize control over foreign relations, treat the Executive Branch as a subordinate diplomat, and demand that the United States let a member of a foreign terrorist organization into America tonight.”

This article was originally published at Howe on the Court.

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