<p><img width="150" height="150" src="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/supremecourt-8-150x150.jpg" class="attachment-thumbnail size-thumbnail wp-post-image" alt="Court adds three new cases" title="Court adds three new cases" style="float:right;" decoding="async" srcset="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/supremecourt-8-150x150.jpg 150w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/supremecourt-8-570x570.jpg 570w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/supremecourt-8-500x500.jpg 500w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/supremecourt-8-1000x1000.jpg 1000w" sizes="(max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px" />The Supreme Court on Friday evening added three new cases to its docket for the 2024-25 term. The cases, which involve issues ranging from the constitutionality of appointments to an HHS task force to student loan forgiveness and mootness in tax cases, are likely to...</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/01/court-adds-three-new-cases-2/">Court adds three new cases</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com">SCOTUSblog</a>.</p>
The Supreme Court on Friday evening added three new cases to its docket for the 2024-25 term. The cases, which involve issues ranging from the constitutionality of appointments to an HHS task force to student loan forgiveness and mootness in tax cases, are likely to be among the final cases argued during the current term.
In Becerra v. Braidwood Management, the justices agreed to take up a challenge to the structure of the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, a part of the Department of Health and Human Services that issues recommendations for preventive medical services. The Affordable Care Act requires health insurers to cover some of those recommended services at no cost to patients.
Four individuals and two small businesses that object on religious grounds to the ACA’s requirement that health insurers provide coverage for pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) medications, which can be highly effective at preventing HIV infection, went to federal court. They argued that the task force’s structure violates the Constitution’s appointments clause, which requires “principal” officers to be appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate.
Both the district court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit agreed. The court of appeals acknowledged that the HHS secretary can remove members of the task force at any time, for virtually any reason. But because the HHS secretary did not, in the court’s view, otherwise supervise members of the task force, the court of appeals determined, their appointments nonetheless violated the Constitution.
The court of appeals turned down the government’s request to excise the provision providing for the task force’s independence, allowing the HHS secretary to review some of the recommendations made by the task force.
The Biden administration asked the Supreme Court to weigh in, telling the justices that the 5th Circuit’s ruling “threatens enormous legal and practical consequences.”
The challengers, while defending the 5th Circuit’s decision, joined the Biden administration in arguing that review was warranted. Represented by Jonathan Mitchell, who argued on behalf of President-elect Donald Trump in Colorado’s effort to disqualify him from the 2024 ballot because of his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attacks on the U.S. Capitol, the challengers also rejected what they described as the Biden administration’s “dire predictions of what might happen if the court of appeals’ ruling is allowed to stand.”
In Department of Education v. Career Colleges and Schools of Texas, the justices will review a ruling by the 5th Circuit that suspended the implementation of a rule intended to streamline the process for reviewing requests for student loan forgiveness from borrowers whose schools defrauded them or were shut down.
The justices declined to take up a second question in the case, challenging the 5th Circuit’s decision to block the implementation of the rule throughout the United States – a “nationwide” or “universal” injunction – rather than simply prohibiting the Department of Education from applying the rule to the for-profit colleges challenging the rule. The Biden administration has asked the justices to weigh in on the propriety of such injunctions in a case currently on the court’s emergency docket, but the justices have not yet acted on that request.
The last of the three cases, Commissioner of Internal Revenue v. Zuch, involves when a tax hearing becomes moot – that is, no longer a live controversy.
The three cases are likely to be argued in April, with a decision to follow by late June or early July.
This article was originally published at Howe on the Court.
<img src="https://api.follow.it/track-rss-story-loaded/v1/HcOwuZFAmHZq5Bdi14Fb4Hn9ye8UNv30" border=0 width="1" height="1" alt="Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy" title="Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy"> <img width="150" height="150" src="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/courtspring-150x150.jpg" class="attachment-thumbnail size-thumbnail wp-post-image" alt="Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy" title="Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy" style="float:right;" decoding="async" srcset="https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/courtspring-150x150.jpg 150w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/courtspring-570x570.jpg 570w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/courtspring-500x500.jpg 500w, https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/courtspring-1000x1000.jpg 1000w" sizes="(max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px" /><p><a class="a2a_button_facebook" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/facebook?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&linkname=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" title="Facebook" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_linkedin" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/linkedin?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&linkname=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" title="LinkedIn" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_twitter" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/twitter?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&linkname=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" title="Twitter" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_email" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/email?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&linkname=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" title="Email" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_button_printfriendly" href="https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/printfriendly?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&linkname=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" title="PrintFriendly" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"></a><a class="a2a_dd addtoany_no_icon addtoany_share_save addtoany_share" href="https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.scotusblog.com%2F2025%2F03%2Fjustices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy%2F&title=Justices%20appear%20likely%20to%20uphold%20FCC%20telecom%20access%20subsidy" data-a2a-url="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/03/justices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy/" data-a2a-title="Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy">Share</a></p><p>The Supreme Court on Wednesday seemed poised to uphold the federal program that provides schools, libraries, and underserved areas with access to affordable telephone and high-speed internet services. A conservative consumer advocacy group challenged the program, arguing it violated the Constitution by outsourcing Congress’s power to the Federal Communications Commission and a private nonprofit corporation that helps to administer the program. But after nearly three hours of oral arguments, justices across the bench were skeptical of the group’s claims.</p>
<p>Congress created the Universal Service Fund as part of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 to ensure that all U.S. residents and businesses – including schools, libraries, and rural health care providers – have access to the same kinds of telephone and internet services at roughly the same rate. The Universal Service Administrative Company, a nonprofit created by the FCC, helps to administer the fund. Contributions by telecommunications carriers to the fund are calculated each quarter, and the carriers pass those costs on to their customers.<span id="more-319360"></span></p>
<p>Consumers’ Research, which targets “woke” corporations and promotes other conservative ideals, filed four separate challenges in four courts of appeals to contributions calculated for different quarters. It argued that Congress’s delegation of power to the FCC and the FCC’s grant of power to USAC to set the contribution fees violated the nondelegation doctrine, a theory on which the Supreme Court has relied on twice, nearly a century ago.</p>
<p>The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit ruled for Consumers’ Research. It concluded that both grants of power – from Congress to the FCC and the FCC to USAC – likely violated the nondelegation doctrine. But in any event, the court of appeals ruled, the combination of those two delegations of power violated the Constitution.</p>
<p>Defending the federal program, Acting U.S. Solicitor General Sarah Harris told the justices that the federal program is not “delegation running riot.” In the law establishing the program, she explained, Congress told the FCC “what policy to follow” – to give all Americans “universal service;” how it should do so, “by charging carriers a fee, then reimbursing carriers that serve universal service programs; how much the FCC should charge – only an amount “sufficient” to provide universal service; how to allocate the fees (making them equitable and nondiscriminatory); and “what underserved areas FCC must target” (such as schools, libraries, and rural areas). The law “leaves key policy choices to Congress and is definite and precise enough for courts to tell if FCC followed Congress’s limits when filling in details,” Harris insisted.</p>
<p>Trent McCotter, who represented Consumers’ Research, countered that “this case is about taxation without representation.” (On this he seemed to have Justice Neil Gorsuch’s support, who repeatedly referred to the contributions as a tax.) “The amount of public revenue to raise is a quintessential legislative determination, not some minor detail to be filled in later,” McCotter argued. If the FCC is correct, he contended, “then Congress could use similarly vague language to let the Executive decide any domestic legislative issue, even, for example, setting the size of lower federal courts.”</p>
<p>Justice Clarence Thomas repeatedly expressed concerns about the lack of any limits or constraints on the program’s ability to raise revenue.</p>
<p>Harris – who clerked for Thomas – assured him that the principles governing universal service placed a “real limit” on the revenue that can be raised. It is a unitary scheme, she explained, that prohibits the FCC from raising more than it needs to support the programs outlined in the law.</p>
<p>Paul Clement, representing a trade association for the telecommunications industry, echoed Harris’s assurances. “The real constraints” on revenue raising “are in the parameters of the universal service program itself,” which does not give the FCC a blank check, he argued. </p>
<p>McCotter insisted that the principles outlined in the law creating the Universal Service Fund were not enough. “There needs to be some kind of objective limit,” he asserted, which would demonstrate that “Congress itself has made that determination. It says we think universal service is this important.”</p>
<p>But two of the court’s conservative justices were dubious that simply setting a limit on the amount that the fund can raise would fix any supposed problem. Justice Brett Kavanaugh told McCotter that he would argue that “a solution to the problem you identify could be a trillion-dollar cap or $100 billion cap.” But “what exactly are you trying to accomplish,” Kavanaugh queried, with such a cap? And how would it be a better constraint than the requirement that the amount be “sufficient” to cover the costs of the program?</p>
<p>Justice Amy Coney Barrett appeared to agree. She suggested that a huge cap, like $3 trillion or $5 trillion, would be “just kind of throwing a number out there for the sake of throwing a number.” It “kind of seems like a meaningless exercise,” she told McCotter. </p>
<p>Justice Elena Kagan echoed Harris’s insistence that “there are some real standards in this program.” “The FCC,” Kagan observed, “can’t do anything by way of this program that is not basically geared towards getting those who live in very rural areas or who are very low income, getting those people access to services that all the rest of us have. That’s the nature of the program, and that’s the limit of the program.”</p>
<p>Justice Samuel Alito expressed concerns about waste and abuse at the Universal Service Administrative Company, and he pushed back against the government’s contention that the company only performed ministerial duties, with the FCC retaining all real control. When we are asking whether a federal agency has asked a private group to perform something ministerial, Alito inquired, why shouldn’t courts look at what has actually happened? And here, Alito emphasized, the FCC has “rubberstamped” “whatever the USAC has told them,” with “only a few exceptions.”</p>
<p>Harris countered that the FCC has corrected the USAC’s proposed contribution four times, demonstrating that it is “not just a rubberstamp.”</p>
<p>Justice Sonia Sotomayor chimed in. One explanation for why the FCC has rarely intervened in correcting the contribution recommended by the USAC, she noted, is that the FCC “controls every component of calculating that” contribution, so that it has no need to do so.</p>
<p>Clement stressed that upholding the 5th Circuit’s decision could have “disastrous effects” for “all the various beneficiaries of this program” – ranging from rural Alaska to Native American reservations to schools, libraries, and rural health care providers. And he added that universal connectivity benefits everyone. “I might not live in rural … Alaska,” he said, “but it’s nice to be able to place a call there.”</p>
<p>Barrett acknowledged that the consequences of invalidating the scheme were “a fair question to consider.”</p>
<p>Alito was skeptical that – as Consumers’ Research had suggested – if the scheme were struck down Congress could quickly fix it. “It’s never easy to get legislation enacted by Congress,” Alito observed, and it is “even more difficult right now than it has been at times in the past.”</p>
<p>Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson considered the impact of invalidating the universal service scheme on other laws. The government, Jackson noted, contends that “there are a number of different agencies that have similar revenue generating … fees.” If the universal service scheme is unconstitutional, she asked Harris, “are all of these programs in jeopardy” as well?</p>
<p>Harris responded that they would be.</p>
<p>Gorsuch was sympathetic to Consumers’ Research. At one point, he indicated that “what’s unique about this case is we have a tax that’s unlike any other tax that this Court’s ever approved.” And later he suggested that the case was similar to one of the 1935 cases in which the Supreme Court had relied on the nondelegation doctrine to strike down a federal law. As in the 1935 case, Gorsuch emphasized, “it was a regulated industry there that was making those decisions for its own benefit.” But it seemed unlikely that Gorsuch had four colleagues ready to join him.</p>
<p><em>This article was <a href="https://amylhowe.com/2025/03/27/justices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy/">originally published at Howe on the Court</a>. </em></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/03/justices-appear-likely-to-uphold-fcc-telecom-access-subsidy/">Justices appear likely to uphold FCC telecom access subsidy</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com">SCOTUSblog</a>.</p>
<img src="https://api.follow.it/track-rss-story-loaded/v1/QTXfHilXcucDr3fTnZbOw3n9ye8UNv30" border=0 width="1" height="1" alt="The intellectual empathy of David Souter" title="The intellectual empathy of David Souter"> <p><em><em>This article is <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/category/tributes-to-justice-david-souter/">part of a series</a> on the legacy and jurisprudence of the late Justice David Sout</em>er.</em></p> <p><i style="font-family: Aptos, sans-serif; white-space: normal;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">Kent Greenfield is Professor of Law and Dean’s Distinguished Scholar at Boston College. He clerked for Justice Souter during the 1994 Term.</span></i></p> <p>Most of the many <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/05/lessons-about-home-and-humility-from-justice-souter/&source=gmail-imap&ust=1748544575000000&usg=AOvVaw08gsY9egvIY0O9ZHaBbSP2" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">lovely tributes</a> penned lately by those who had the good fortune to know David Souter have mentioned his ability to see people around him as genuine human beings worthy of attention. Around the Supreme Court, he afforded respect not only to his colleagues but also to the folks in the lunch room, the messengers, the janitorial staff, and the court police officers. </p> <span id="more-528835"></span> <p>This attention to the details of other humans and to human situations also informed and strengthened Souter’s jurisprudence. </p> <p>Even at its most nuanced, the law will never capture the complexity of human beings. In hearing actual cases, judges are called to listen to stories. A judge’s ability to imagine and appreciate the situation of someone from a different background or in a different situation is essential. One might call this “intellectual empathy.” It is not a feeling but a method of thought, a habit of questioning one’s perspective long enough to check one’s work. Intellectual empathy is the only way that the stories the law requires will produce fair outcomes. Without empathy, stories can lead to outcomes that are mere receptacles of the bias and preconceived notions of judges and juries.</p> <p>David Souter embodied this kind of empathy. He was a Harvard- and Oxford-educated New England Republican, but his contributions were often in the understanding of people completely unlike him. His opinions in two little-known cases exemplify this. </p> <p>Early in his career as a justice, the court heard <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/514/419/&source=gmail-imap&ust=1748544575000000&usg=AOvVaw0fqhkWAviy-VW1uGXpfqD-" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">a case</a> about a down-on-his-luck Black man named Curtis Kyles, who had been on death row in Louisiana for almost a decade. (I was the clerk assigned to the case in chambers.) Kyles had been convicted of the murder of a white woman in a supermarket parking lot, for groceries and her red Ford LTD. The evidence against him looked strong. His appearance matched some eyewitness accounts, and he had been found with a revolver, which turned out to be the murder weapon, hidden in his apartment. A man named Beanie also claimed that Kyles had sold him the victim’s car the day after the murder. </p> <p>Kyles was as different from Souter as any party to a Supreme Court case I know about. Notwithstanding that fact, and despite Souter’s own experience as a state prosecutor, Souter pored over the record in the case, which increasingly gave him the impression that something was not right. The evidence against Kyles was not nearly as strong as the police had made it out to be, mostly because they had failed to give Kyles’ lawyers some eyewitness descriptions that did not match Kyles. The police had also failed to disclose their chummy relationship with Beanie, who should also have been a suspect since he matched some eyewitness descriptions and had a history of criminal activity around the grocery store in question. </p> <p>Souter’s attention to detail, and his openness to seeing the facts from vantage points distinct from the accepted official version, allowed him to understand that the evidence did not point unequivocally to Kyles. Beanie should have been a suspect too. But the police took what Souter said was “a remarkably uncritical attitude” toward him, perhaps because of his history as an informant. </p> <p>Souter wrote a detailed and tightly argued opinion arguing that Kyles deserved a new trial, not because he believed Kyles was innocent but because the police had hidden evidence that might have created a reasonable doubt as to his guilt. (His opinion was thorough and persuasive in spite of the clerk who helped him. I had done an embarrassingly poor job on the first draft.) Souter’s opinion received four other votes, meaning that Kyles won a new trial and avoided the death penalty by a single vote. It was the first time Kyles had won any of his cases or appeals in a decade of state and federal court proceedings. </p> <p>Souter might have taken the case lightly or not thought to challenge the arguments of the state officials, with whom he might have identified. His contribution was not that he felt a certain way, but that he thought differently from what his background might have suggested. This kind of empathy did not lead him astray but helped him see the facts in a way that no other court had seen them. It also meant that the court could articulate an important rule of constitutional law: that prosecutors cannot hide evidence. Without such empathy, Kyles would have been put to death for a murder he probably did not commit, and it would be easier for any of us to be falsely accused.</p> <p>Another example of Souter’s empathy came a few years later in a search and seizure case called <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/536/194/&source=gmail-imap&ust=1748544575000000&usg=AOvVaw1wxAELuQWOECtVybJWRjng" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">United States v. Drayton</a><em>.</em> A bus was stopped in the middle of the night, far from its destination. Police boarded and stood at the rear and the front. An armed officer walked up and down the aisle, approached two seated passengers, and asked them to open their luggage. The officer stood over them, blocking their exit, and did not say they had a right to refuse. The passengers “agreed” to have the police look in their bags, and a significant amount of cocaine was discovered. The Supreme Court majority held that this was a consensual search, since the passengers had a choice – they could have gotten off the bus. </p> <p>There was no reason for Justice Souter to sympathize with a couple of drug dealers who were carrying kilos of cocaine in their carry-on bags. But his dissent made the important intellectual point that the consent forming the basis of the search was manufactured rather than genuine. In analytic but powerful prose, he described the power of police in situations that we can reasonably assume he had never faced: “[W]hen the attention of several officers is brought to bear on one civilian the balance of immediate power is unmistakable. We all understand … that a display of power rising to … [a] threatening level may overbear a normal person’s ability to act freely, even in the absence of explicit commands or the formalities of detention.”</p> <p>For Souter, taking a different point of view was not an emotional exercise but an intellectual one. </p> <p>Judges rarely decide any case, much less a difficult one, by performing the judicial equivalent of calling balls and strikes. Good judging requires giving the parties the opportunity to tell their stories and relies on judges and juries being intellectually empathetic enough to be able to imagine themselves in the situation described, in the role of either or both of the parties. Only then can the correct legal outcome be decided.</p> <p>The kind of empathy David Souter practiced is important even for those of us who will never be judges. In our roles as spouse, parent, friend, or colleague, we would do well to listen to others’ stories, pay attention to particularities, and practice intellectual empathy. </p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/05/the-intellectual-empathy-of-david-souter/">The intellectual empathy of David Souter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com">SCOTUSblog</a>.</p>